
Russian-linked consultants worked to strengthen and widen a pro-Moscow alliance in the Sahel region, using media campaigns, political pressure and cultural events to influence governments and public opinion, according to leaked internal documents seen by RFI and its partners.
The leaked files form part of the “Propaganda Machine” investigation, led by the pan-African media organisation The Continent and the journalism network Forbidden Stories, of which RFI is a member.
The investigation is based on more than 1,400 pages of internal records from a group known as Africa Politology, set up by Yevgeny Prigozhin, founder of the Russian paramilitary group Wagner, which operated in several African countries.
Africa Politology was later taken over by Russian foreign intelligence services, after the Wagner Group was dismantle following a failed mutiny attempt and the death of Prigozhin in 2023.
The documents show how the group aimed to reinforce the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) between Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger and extend the alliance to neighbouring countries, while promoting Russian interests across the region.
It also set out a broader strategy to weaken Western influence, secure new economic opportunities and gain support at the United Nations.
The files identify the Sahel as a key focus of Russia’s return to Africa, alongside the Central African Republic, where Russia provides security support, has access to natural resources and promotes anti-Western messages.
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Shaping a pro-Russia bloc
In an August 2023 report titled “Global South”, strategists from Africa Politology called for a “confederation of independence” to counter what they described as a Western-built “belt of instability”.
They said the aim was to reshape a vast region stretching from Senegal and Guinea to Sudan and Eritrea. This vision developed alongside the emergence of the AES.
Military coups in Mali in May 2021, in Burkina Faso in September 2022 and in Niger in July 2023 opened the way for closer ties with Moscow, as French troops withdrew from counter-terrorism operations in the region.
The documents present this as a narrative of sovereignty – portraying jihadist groups, political opposition and critical civil society as internal threats backed by Western powers and their regional allies.
The objectives set out in the files closely match those of Russia, including weakening the West’s image as a reliable security partner and disrupting US military logistics across Africa.
They also aim to open new markets for hydrocarbons, weapons and agricultural products, and to secure diplomatic support.
Internal budgets reveal spending on communication campaigns, including $51,300 in Niger in May 2024 and $64,500 in September. Hundreds of sponsored articles and social media posts are listed, each linked to payments of several hundred dollars.
Africa Politology consultants also claimed credit for political developments, incasing the creation of the AES.
“A large information campaign was launched in the media and on social networks. The result of these actions was the agreement of the leaders of the three countries to sign a memorandum creating the Confederation of Sahel States,” they wrote.
That confederation was formalised at a summit in July 2024 between Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.

Pressure and influence in Niger
In Niger, the documents describe efforts in 2024 to strengthen the military government and cut ties with the United States.
The consultants said they played a role in disrupting contacts with Washington. “Under the influence of the company’s contractors, negotiations with the American delegation were hindered in March 2024,” they wrote.
They added that Abdourahamane Tiani refused to meet a visiting US delegation, while protests saw American flags burned.
According to the files, more than a dozen meetings took place with senior figures in the regime.
Alongside political actions, cultural and social initiatives were used to build influence. These included opening a Russian cultural centre in Niamey in June 2024, organising a motorbike rally with more than 300 participants for “Russia Day”, and holding football tournaments and other sports and cultural events.
The documents also describe efforts to push Niger out of the CFA franc, a regional currency used in several West African countries, and promote a unified banking system across AES countries, with a roadmap said to have been presented to the three governments.
The documents recommend linking sabotage attacks by the Patriotic Liberation Front – an armed group in Niger – to France, as well as tensions with Benin, and promoting claims that “France trains terrorists to invade Niger”, a narrative later repeated by the authorities.
“The result of our campaigns allows for greater cohesion between citizens of the three countries,” the consultants wrote.
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Mali driving the message
Mali is described as “the driving force of the anti-Western movement in the Sahel”, with the Africa Politology group claiming to support that role.
A work plan for May and June 2024 included an objective to “block the work of religious figures whose actions aim to weaken the established order”.
The same documents say regulations on religious organisations were tightened and that the Coordination of Movements, Associations and Supporters, known as CMAS, a movement linked to influential imam Mahmoud Dicko, was dissolved in March 2024.
Dicko had helped mobilise protests before the 2020 overthrow of president Ibrahim Boubakar Keïta but later fell out with the authorities and went into exile. The documents describe him as a “jihadist imam”.
Africa Politology also claimed to have led campaigns against foreign mining companies. Campaigns also targeted Orano and GoviEx, two foreign companies mining uranium in Niger.
“A vast information campaign was conducted to discredit foreign companies that own mines. Demonstrations in favour of the nationalisation of extractive industries were organised,” the documents state.
However, a specialist described this as an exaggeration, noting that changes to mining rules were driven by other actors and that disputes were often resolved through negotiation.
The files also highlight a youth forum held in Bamako in September 2024 to mark the first anniversary of the Liptako-Gourma Charter, the mutual defence pact that came before the confederation. Delegations from Senegal, Guinea and Chad attended.

Ousmane Sonko Junior, a member of the Patriotic Youth of Senegal, a group linked to the ruling Pastef party, told Forbidden Stories he was surprised by the conclusions.
“The round tables were supposed to be about youth political engagement, growth and so on. When the conclusions came, we saw topics in the minutes that we had not discussed,” Sonko said, adding he refused to sign the document despite pressure.
“Our position as young members of Pastef is African integration and unity. We do not interfere in AES politics or alliances, but we refuse to be drawn into cooperation where we would submit to one foreign power or another."
Participants later learned their travel had been funded by the Russian House in Bamako, and reported the presence of two men conducting interviews, Maksim Kovaliev and Nikolay Laktionov, identified in the documents as Africa Politology employees.
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Anti-Ukraine narratives
The leaked Africa Politology documents also detail a $3,000 campaign against Ukraine, described as “a country supporting terrorists in Africa”.
The campaign coincided with Mali cutting ties with Kyiv on 4 August, 2024, after comments by a Ukrainian military intelligence spokesman suggesting Ukraine had shared information with northern Mali rebels involved in an attack near Tinzaouatène the previous week.
The attack was devastating for the Russian mercenaries backing the Malian army, with several dozen killed.
The documents said they organised a conference in Dakar in October 2024 with Guinean singer Élie Kamano.
“I want to make my voice heard through this tour, to encourage AES member countries in their drive to establish the true foundations of African unity and to fight these terrorist groups financed by French and Ukrainian lobbies,” Kamano said.
The files say the conference cost $12,000 and that his remarks were repeated in 43 media articles.
Kamano confirmed to RFI that he made the comments but denied receiving any payment. “My fight in engaged music did not start yesterday. I give conferences wherever I go, in Dakar and elsewhere, and I am not concerned by your claims, not in any way."
He did not explain how the Dakar event was organised or the conditions of his wider AES tour, during which he filmed several clips praising the military governments allied to Moscow.
Kamano, who lives in exile in France, also said four members of his family, including two of his children, were abducted in Conakry in late November 2025 and blamed the Guinean authorities.
Satigui Sidibé, founder of the Malian news site Bamada.net, told RFI's sister TV channel France 24 he had not received any payment to publish related articles and had no contact with any Russian entity.

Targets beyond the Sahel
Expanding the AES was a central objective, with Chad identified as the main priority and several other countries also targeted.
In Guinea, Africa Politology consultants said they were approached in 2019 by allies of then-president Alpha Condé. After his overthrow in 2021, they described the new authorities as a target for “reorientation towards Russia and the AES”.
Frustrated by limited progress, they said they launched a campaign portraying the leadership as a “puppet of France”.
Political analyst Kabinet Fofana told RFI that Guinea had little reason to join the bloc. “The opposition and civil society supported the coup at the start, so Guinea had nothing to gain in an AES-type approach,” he said.
“We did not have the same political, social or security context, and France was quite cautious.”
The documents also mention efforts to influence Senegal’s leaders, President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko. “The priority objective is to correct diplomatic positioning towards a sovereignist path, facilitating rapprochement with the AES,” the documents said.
Four campaigns launched between May and September 2024 pushed for closer ties with the AES, the departure of French troops and the expulsion of the Ukrainian ambassador. One campaign reportedly reached more than 8 million people.
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Togo was identified as another key target, particularly its port of Lomé, described in the documents as a vital logistics hub. They say 35 campaigns were carried out between February and April 2024 to influence the country’s geopolitical direction.
The campaigns coincided with legislative elections held in a tense climate, alongside constitutional changes allowing Faure Gnassingbé to remain in power as president of the Council of Ministers. The campaigns accused the US of destabilising the country and the opposition of being backed by foreign actors under the pretext of restoring democracy.
The plans also involved cooperation in phosphate mining and security operations against terrorism and piracy in the Gulf of Guinea.
Togo later signed a defence agreement with Moscow and Gnassingbé travelled to Russia. In early March 2026, he discreetly received the Russian defence minister, according to specialist media.
A recent deserter from the Africa Corps, the paramilitary group linked to the Russian defence ministry, also described Togo as the group’s “new destination”.
Posts on Telegram channels linked to Russian authorities, including the widely followed Rybar account, a pro-Russian channel, raised the question: “Why do we need Togo?”
Benin and Côte d’Ivoire are also cited as future targets. The documents say contacts were made in July 2024 with figures close to former Ivorian president Laurent Gbagbo’s party and with former prime minister Guillaume Soro, now based in the AES.

Impact unclear
Despite the scale of the operations described, their real impact remains unclear.
“These documents are full of bold claims about their achievements,” said Lou Osborne of All Eyes On Wagner, a partner in the investigative consortium.
“They do not show a deep understanding of local dynamics, and sometimes the same strategies are applied across different countries without adapting to local realities,” she said.
Osborne added that while the work may appear successful from Moscow, “the reality on the ground is much more nuanced and requires the action of a multitude of local actors”.
The documents also suggest that promotion of Russia as a security partner may be weakening, as the US increases its engagement in the region.
This article has been adapted from the original version in French by François Mazet