The political shift in Bangladesh and the evolving security situation in eastern parts of India have highlighted concerns about the trajectory of Islamist radical movement in the region. The name of Jashimuddin Rahmani, who has been described as the ideological face of the banned militant outfit ‘Ansarullah Bangla Team’, continues to unsettle counterterrorism circles.
The emerging pattern of Bangladesh’s internal political dynamics highlights the traditional security dilemma in South Asia’s geopolitics in which regime change leads to strategic concerns because porous frontiers allow ideologically motivated networks to reconfigure.
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The emergence of the BJP-led state government in West Bengal makes geopolitical considerations even more significant.
The bitter personal feuds between the Awami League and the BNP have often disrupted coherent policies against terrorism, allowing Islamist groups like Jamaat-e-Islami the opportunity to take advantage of such situations.
The Yunus regime was especially harmful in that it relaxed enforcement against Islamist networks, while at the same time giving more space to Islamist parties. Going further, it either released or eased restrictions on some of those imprisoned on terrorism charges, and this resulted in a disruption of the institutional continuity of counter-terrorism efforts in Bangladesh.
In early 2026, a former Pentagon official had criticized the Trump administration’s extremely lenient approach towards growing Islamism in Bangladesh, arguing that “after Yunus took up Bangladesh’s interim leadership, he released convicted terrorists from prison and normalized Islamist extremists who targeted Bangladesh’s small Christian and Hindu minorities,” further cautioning that “Islamist takeover of Bangladesh will be as consequential to South Asia as Iran’s revolution was to the Middle East.”
Rahmani was also released on bail by the Yunus-led interim regime in September 2024. The Bangladeshi intelligence and counter-terrorism agencies have for a long time regarded Rahmani as one of the most influential propagators of Salafi-jihadi ideology in Bengali language.
He is seen as an explosive radical ideologue because of his links to the banned Ansarullah Bangla Team (ABT), which has been associated with the Al-Qaeda-inspired radical organisations in the Indian sub-continent.
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The current situation appears disturbing because after his release on bail there has been virtually no public information about his current residence, whether he is still on surveillance, if legal restrictions still apply to him, if he has returned to ideological activities in an informal or online manner, or whether his bail has been rejected.
Rahmani’s significance lies in his ability to make global jihadist discourses accessible to Bengali speakers. For years, he preached messages linking religious passion to militant political rhetoric, arguing that democracy, secularism and constitutional government were incompatible with his version of Islam.
His speeches are said to have called on followers to adopt ideological confrontation and long-term planning for the jihadist fight. His impact in Bangladesh has been compared to that of other global jihadist propagandists for his remarkable skills at distilling intricate extremist messages in a comprehensible Bengali medium.
Rahmani spread his message through recorded lectures, books, mosque gatherings and on the Internet to people beyond a traditional madrassa following. His disciples frequently saw him not just as a preacher, but as an ideological leader who could also resolve their political and social grievances.
The renewed interest in Rahmani comes at a time of major political events in the region. The installation of the BJP government in West Bengal has brought the focus back on the issues of border management, cross-border infiltration, radicalization networks and demographic security issues. West Bengal’s linguistic and cultural ties to Bangladesh make it geopolitically sensitive; any growth of transnational Islamist radicalization across Bengali-speaking areas would affect both Bangladesh’s internal cohesion and India’s regional security architecture
India should quietly and diplomatically seek clarity on Rahmani’s legal and surveillance status in Dhaka, framing inquiries as cooperative security concerns.
This is likely to be seen as expression of legitimate apprehensions of a neighbouring country whose territory has long been impacted by Islamist terrorism and radicalism. A discreet request for information would preserve sovereignty while addressing a shared regional security imperative.
Moreover, India and Bangladesh have also been partners in the fight against terror groups, particularly when they used to exploit safe havens across the border. That cooperation has helped to significantly counter insurgent and extremist activities in eastern India. It is in the interest of the new BNP government to continue counter-terrorism cooperation with India.
The cotemporary radical extremist movements are not organized in the traditional territorial way. For a figure such as Rahmani, it is not necessary to maintain visible group of followers or attract sympathisers at his doorstep to remain influential.
The manner in which radical ideologies are spread through digital media, via encrypted communication, informal study circles and transnational online networks has radically transformed its nature and reach. The lack of public appearances does not mean that there is a lack of ideological influence.
There have been numerous instances where the security forces across the world have noticed that the propagandist rhetoric of the extremists can be continued indirectly through recordings, networks of sympathisers and through the redistribution of material via the Internet. Therefore, transparency about Rahmani’s whereabouts and constraints would be a pragmatic confidence-building measure for the region.
India’s concerns are also linked with the susceptibility of the Northeast and West Bengal to destabilising forces, including Pakistan. Over the past few years, the Northeast has seen ethnic unrest, arms smuggling and foreign designs to claim the grievances of the people.
The border geography and demographic complexity of West Bengal makes it strategically sensitive as well. In such a backdrop, the role of Islamist radicalisation cannot be seen in isolation; it interacts with separatist, criminal and communal dynamics to produce long-term instability.
Uncertainty about Rahmani’s status may create geopolitical speculations as well. Foreign powers often tolerate or even engage radical Islamist groups when it suits their narrow geopolitical agenda.
In the past, ideologically-oriented Islamist groups have been seen through the lens of strategic utility by India’s external adversaries. While in Rahmani’s case, credible evidence has not emerged suggesting foreign sponsorship or protection, but in the absence of transparency, conspiracy theories will naturally thrive. In geopolitically fraught zones, such information voids are themselves destabilizing.
The problem becomes more pronounced when examined against the backdrop of the role played by various external actors who try to determine the nature of political discourse in South Asia. Due to India’s rise as a regional and global power, strategic competition has increased in the Indo-Pacific. Non-state ideological actors like transnational jihadist ideologues complicate that competition by entangling domestic politics with regional rivalries.
This creates an asymmetric threat environment, exacerbating fears that low-cost hybrid tools such as ideological radicalization, communal polarization and cross-border agitation could be weaponized by anti-India elements. The vulnerability of West Bengal and the Northeast India, due to their geographical location and socio-political complexity, remains particularly high. While not every case of radicalization is the handiwork of an external actor, it nevertheless highlights the need for India to remain vigilant about the challenge and think strategically about it.
One should not forget that Bangladesh has also been hit by extremist violence and Islamist radicalisation. Over the last two decades, bloggers, secular activists, minorities and members of the police force have all been victims of radical Islamist campaigns. The previous government in Dhaka had made significant efforts to eradicate extremist groups and restore peace. Thus, continued transparency regarding influential radical ideologues would reinforce the new government’s credibility and support de-radicalization efforts.
Dr. Vinay Kaura and Dr. Surabhi Gupta are Assistant Professors, Department of International Affairs and Security Studies, Sardar Patel University of Police, Security and Criminal Justice, Rajasthan.
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