The fate of the Thai Raksa Chart Party (TRC) will be known when the Constitutional Court delivers its ruling on March 7.
However, most observers have already predicted that the party will be dissolved, considering the speed at which both the Election Commission (EC) and the court have taken up the case without even allowing the TRC to present its defence.
If that comes to pass, it will leave a big gap within the anti-junta strategy of parties loyal to former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Observers have also made dire predictions about the Pheu Thai Party's ambition to score enough seats in the lower house to allow its coalition to claim the right to form the next government.
And thus, the anti-junta coalition's goal to stop the pro-junta Palang Pracharath Party (PPRP) in its track is faltering. Few people, however, believe that the Thaksin loyalists' loss will be PPRP's gain. The pro-junta party has been struggling recently, especially and ironically after junta leader Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha consented to become the party's candidate for prime minister.
As of recently, public attention has swiftly swung towards the Future Forward Party, headed by young tycoon Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit. This development seems to have drawn the junta's henchmen out in droves with one mission -- to derail Mr Thanathorn's dramatic rise in popularity. Whatever he did or words he said in the past have been dug up and twisted with a negative spin.
For the pro-junta faction, Mr Thanathorn is a dangerous man and getting more so as the days pass. So, it has come as little surprise that social media has witnessed an increasing flurry of negative posts to muddy his credibility. A number of lawsuits have been filed in an attempt to bring the FFP down or at least to drain its energy and disturb its concentration by tying it up in litigation.
But what is it that makes FFP and particularly Mr Thanathorn the main focus of destruction among the junta loyalists'?
The main point that draws the wrath of the junta loyalists is this: Mr Thanathorn dares to challenge the military's historical and present supremacy over Thai society, the bureaucracy's centralised power and the oligarchy's dominance over Thai life and economy. His party's priority aims to restructure the country's archaic power structure. It's something no political parties, past or present, have dared to vocalise or highlight.
Among the FFP's first mission is to turn the Thai military into a professional force that answers to civilian authority. If this happens, the number of old generals present today would be reduced together with the privileges that have put them in various lucrative positions and brought them unaccountable riches. Military conscription would be scrapped and replaced with volunteers. Moreover, the military budget would be cut and weapon purchases limited.
Mr Thanathorn has also vowed to amend the current constitution, if he has the power to do so, in order to ensure no coups would be able to take place again. He would also repeal or re-write many of the laws passed by the junta-appointed National Legislative Assembly (NLA). He promises that if his party was selected, freedom of expression would be fully restored and the voice of the people would be listened to and respected.
For many voters who have been repeatedly disappointed by the old and "dirty" Thai politics of the past, Mr Thanathorn and the FFP come as a breath of fresh air. His daring challenge to the powerful oligarchy may be seen by some as possible destabilising influences.
But for many others, it is a glimmer of hope to pull Thailand out of the 19th century. It is this "daring to go where no man has gone before" attitude that makes him endearing to the young. It is, even more, the reason for the junta's henchmen to nip him in the bud.
Young voters -- defined as those between 18-24 years old -- will have a significant presence in the March 24 election. Their numbers are predicted to be around 6.5 million out of the 51 million eligible voters, making up nearly 13% of the total voter base. All of them have yet to vote in an election. Polls have found that an overwhelming number of them -- 90%-plus -- intend to vote.
The thing about being young is that they are more open to new ideas and enthusiastic about change. They have lived a significant part of their lives under military rule. Their desire to speak out and their enthusiasm to forge new ideas have been clipped by a regime dominated by people over 60 years old.
The election provides an opportunity for them to break out of the restrictive political and social mould. All they want is a vehicle they can trust to take them where they want to go. And the FFP seems to offer that vehicle. They will be joined by many older folks who, while having some reservations about the party as an unknown quantity, have been looking for an alternative from the old, discredited parties of the past. All things considered, the coming election -- at first look a shoo-in for the junta -- may turn out to be a more exciting fight than expected.
And the FFP represents real optimism for Thai politics. So when you think of Mr Thanathorn, you could think of Canada's Justin Trudeau or France's Emmanuel Macron.
Wasant Techawongtham is former news editor, Bangkok Post.
