Devolution is close to the hearts of many councils in English cities and counties committed to genuine reform and greater local powers. But how will this vital policy fare under Theresa May’s government and the economic turbulence following the Brexit vote?
The governance of Britain centralises power in the hands of fewer than 50 people, those in government who in former times had places reserved in nuclear bunkers. The risk in a nation unprepared for Brexit and, with the end of EU led-legislation, is of even more power aggregated in London.
Fortunately, the government has the kernel of a strong policy for English devolution, and I expect it to be a positive legacy of the work of former Chancellor George Osborne’s team, and other devolution architects, nationally and locally. While the first phase has been tightly controlled and managed by Westminster, there is a real prize if future discussions are truly joint. There are opportunities here for linking social service and the NHS, creating more apprenticeships and jobs, a say over unused local government land and working to integrate and improve bus, rail and road transport.
But as I wrote in March, there is also concern that, under devolution, mayors could be more the servants of Whitehall than of their local voters. And too much thinking about devolution has gone on behind closed doors, rather than asking the public for their priorities.
This democratic deficit needs to be addressed and the public will need to be far better engaged in future. Transparency, public scrutiny and clear accountability are central to effective devolution. And let’s not impose mayors: if mayors are still to be a devolution requirement, they should also be subject to local referendums.
There is also a big gap in this initiative that needs to be filled by May’s government. How many other countries starting a major devolution of power from central to local government would do so without a single, clear national policy document? I’d say none. We need that gap filled by Christmas, with a document explaining the objectives and delivery of English devolution.
We have some extreme challenge that devolution needs to address. In Cambridge, where home ownership is now 17.9 times average annual salary, we have a desperate shortage of affordable housing for rent.
To give central government some credit, after long discussion it has listened to us and agreed to give us the power to invest £70m in council housing over five years, to build at least 500 new homes in Cambridge, and a further £100m for housing association affordable housing across Cambridgeshire.
But to continue tackling housing, transport and all our other issues, we also need to get the geography of devolution right. In the east of England, Cambridge city council was the only authority that stood out in March against a proposed 23-council union across the huge expanse of Suffolk, Norfolk and Cambridgeshire. While fine for transport planning, this was the same scale that then- communities secretary Eric Pickles rejected in 2010. This time, others agreed; ministers have reviewed the plans and a two-area “brother and sister” devolution plan has evolved, including a neighbouring Suffolk and Norfolk devolution we are working with.
We want our residents and all residents to have a say on devolution.
It is too important to be left just to us politicians to decide, whether nationally or locally. If we get it right, it really does have the power to transform our country for the better.
Lewis Herbert is the Labour leader of Cambridge city council.
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