Donald Trump’s second term in office has already sent shockwaves far beyond Washington, not only reshaping American politics but challenging global alliances and foreign economies. How do Democrats and Republicans in France view Trump's first 100 days?
When Donald Trump was inaugurated for his second term on 20 January, he returned to the helm of the world’s most powerful nation pledging to Make America Great Again – again.
He vowed to shake things up with lightning speed and, on that front, he has delivered in spades, turning the political status quo on its head, at home and abroad.
For his detractors, Trump has been a whirlwind of destruction: eroding civil liberties, disregarding court authority, censoring university libraries accused of leftist bias, empowering tech oligarchs, disenfranchising minorities and throwing global markets into uproar with harsh new tariffs.
For his supporters, he’s a force of nature: fulfilling promises, unpicking the entrenched “deep state”, challenging intellectual elites and forging a path towards peace.
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'He's not wasting time'
Speaking to Nicolas Conquer, the president of Republicans Overseas France, it is clear that Trump's dynamism has thrilled his supporters.
"I've seen it first-hand," Conquer said. "He campaigned on a platform, and promises made are promises kept. Ever since day one, and now as we reach the 100-day mark, he’s been literally flooding the zone – making fast decisions and driving through much-needed reforms. Whether it’s government efficiency or the culture wars, he’s not wasting time."
Trump's flurry of executive orders – from immigration reforms to tariffs – has left no doubt about his intention to move fast and make changes.
Conquer suggests that Trump's second-term energy stems from knowing he has just four years left to leave his mark: "He knows it’s now or never."
"Conservative beliefs have been targeted, have been silenced"
However, criticism has been fierce – particularly of what many see as an authoritarian drift. Trump is accused of trampling on the courts, cracking down on dissent in education and bolstering oligarchic power structures.
Conquer, however, does not agree. "Looking at the political lawfare in the States," he said, "there’s been massive obstruction by district judges interfering in executive branch policies. Historically, over the last 100 years, about 200 presidential decisions have been blocked by judges. Half of them concern Donald Trump. That’s a staggering number."
He points to cases such as Harvard University’s reluctance to implement Trump’s executive orders targeting "wokeism" and anti-Semitism on campus, while still receiving considerable federal funding.
"You can't have it both ways," Conquer argued. "You can't demand taxpayer money without adhering to government policies."
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Legal resistance
Bob Valier of Democrats Abroad France paints a very different picture. For him, Trump’s victory was less about a failure of Democratic Party messaging and more about a broader systemic problem: voter apathy.
"We had the second highest turnout of my lifetime," Valier said, "but we still lost. Not because our message wasn’t right, but because about 38 percent of eligible voters stayed home. If we bear any responsibility, it’s that we couldn’t motivate them to get out and vote."
Valier acknowledges that Trump’s “shock and awe” approach has made coherent Democratic opposition harder. "It’s exhausting trying to fight back," he admitted. "But that doesn’t mean we're not doing it."
Valier highlights the quiet, but significant, legal battles being waged. "From day one, lawsuits have been filed against executive orders. Courts move slowly, but many are finding in favour of the Democrats and placing restraining orders on Trump's initiatives."
"The MAGA campaign is one of complete hatefulness, and they're really great at this"
Valier concedes that the Democrats have struggled to adapt to the new media landscape, where traditional platforms such as television no longer dominate.
"Young people are getting their news from podcasts, Discord servers and niche platforms," he said. "The Democrats have largely been absent from these spaces. Kamala Harris, for example, turned down an appearance on Joe Rogan’s podcast – the most listened-to podcast in the country at the time. That was a huge missed opportunity."
However, figures such as Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez are drawing mammoth crowds with their focus on working-class issues – healthcare, housing and the soaring cost of basics such as eggs.
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Trumpism abroad
When it comes to the potential for Trump-esque politics to reshape European politics, Conquer believes this is entirely possible, but with a caveat.
"It’s not about copy-pasting Trumpism into Europe. Each country has its own institutions, cultures and political dynamics. We need to localise it. What works in America might not work as quickly or in the same way elsewhere."
In France, for example, while anti-elitist sentiment and nationalism are on the rise, the political landscape is distinct enough that any Trump-style movement would need a tailored approach.
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Looking ahead to 2028, according to Valier the next Democratic star will likely come from the party’s left wing.
"The message Bernie Sanders is delivering – about the working class, about economic inequality – that’s the message the party must embrace. People are hurting, and they want leaders who recognise that. It’s not just about identity politics anymore. It’s about whether ordinary Americans can afford eggs, healthcare, housing."
Whether the Democrats can unite under the banner of addressing these issues remains to be seen. But if Trump’s first 100 days have demonstrated anything, it’s to expect the unexpected.
