Evidence that Russia and its menacing president, Vladimir Putin, are actively attempting to undermine Britain’s democracy, politics and security continues to pile up. While shocking in themselves, the latest revelations merely confirm a long-established pattern of covert malfeasance, meddling and subversion. The question now is: what will the government do about it?
There will be widespread disgust, for example, at last week’s disclosure that Russian state-sponsored hackers attempted to steal confidential data from British, US and Canadian researchers working on a coronavirus vaccine. James Brokenshire, the security minister, said Moscow’s behaviour was “completely unacceptable”. Yes, Mr Brokenshire, it is. So?
Dominic Raab, the foreign secretary, was similarly vague about consequences when he informed the Commons that “Russian actors” almost certainly tried to influence the 2019 election using illicitly acquired official documents. Raab had previously played down claims of meddling. Now he, too, says such cyber-theft is “completely unacceptable”. Yes, Mr Raab, it is. So?
The timing of the government’s revelations has also fuelled unease about what appears to be its curious reluctance to confront a concerted Russian destabilisation campaign aimed at Britain and its allies. Raab’s statement came only hours after parliament’s newly constituted intelligence and security committee (ISC) said it would publish its much-delayed report on Russian interference.
Were ministers trying to distract public attention from the report, which is said to contain potentially embarrassing material for the Tories? Indeed, were they trying to smear Jeremy Corbyn, the former Labour leader, who was an unwitting recipient of the illicitly acquired documents mentioned by Raab? If so, this would mark another devious twist in a murky British plot that Russia’s spies might only admire.
Boris Johnson’s unexplained refusal to allow publication of the ISC report, which was ready in October, started this hare running. It gained legs last week after the prime minister made a clumsily improper attempt to impose his candidate, Chris Grayling, as the new ISC chair, and was bravely thwarted by one of his own MPs, Julian Lewis, whom he then vengefully expelled from the parliamentary party.
These strange and disturbing developments have deepened suspicion that Johnson has something to hide. Perhaps all will be clear when the report is finally released this week. But perhaps not. Even now, its most sensitive findings could be held back for “security reasons”. That may suit Johnson and maybe the Russians, too. But it does not suit British democracy.
Clues that could help explain Johnson’s behaviour can be found in recently disclosed evidence given to the ISC inquiry by Christopher Steele, a former head of MI6’s Russia desk. Steele reportedly discussed many “indications” that Moscow assisted pro-Leave groups during the 2016 Brexit referendum campaign, in which Johnson played a leading role.
The report, or its secret annexes, may also contain awkward findings about foreign funding of the Conservative party, which has received large, apparently legal cash contributions from Moscow-linked donors. Such influence-peddling is standard practice elsewhere for Putin. In recent years, rightwing Eurosceptic and populist parties across Europe have benefited from “Russian gold”. Leftwing parties such as Labour are not usually so favoured.
Claims, meanwhile, that the Russians may have compromised Donald Trump before he became US president, and still exercise some kind of “hold” on him, would, if they gained any kind of official credence, be deeply embarrassing for Johnson. They come in the context of proved Russian attempts to influence the 2016 US election in Trump’s favour, as laid out in last year’s Mueller report.
Blanket denials by the Russian ambassador, Andrei Kelin, are not sufficient to dispel the serious concerns provoked by Moscow’s activities. Downing Street’s delays, obfuscation and lack of candour over the entire question of Russian destabilisation efforts are a matter of deep concern. More worrying still is the lack of a plan to punish Russia. Sanctions imposed after the Salisbury poisonings have not changed its malign behaviour. Recent changes within Russia mean Putin could be in power until 2036. We ask again: what will the government do to halt his ongoing assault on Britain?
