When Margaret Thatcher spoke of “the wets” in her party, she meant it pejoratively. It was old public school slang for the feeble ones; those too fainthearted when it came to taking on the miners, going to war or delivering tough economic medicine even as the dole queues lengthened. Jim Prior, Peter Walker and Sir Ian Gilmour were examples of the breed, remaining in her government only until the point came at which she could dispense with them, or shove them into minor positions, without fear of backlash.
Yet, despite their alleged lack of backbone, the wets of the Conservative party have proved to be remarkably resilient as a breed.
They may go silent or be sidelined for a time - Ken Clarke’s defeat at the hands of Iain Duncan Smith in the 2001 leadership contest was a nadir for that leftish wing of the party. During the coalition years, the fear of weakening the Tory grip on government in favour of the Liberal Democrats was a motivation to keep themselves to themselves.
But centre-ground positions on matters of the economy, social issues and foreign policy do well in marginal seats. So the “wets” tend to reappear on the airwaves or in the newspapers in times when the party has a majority but is in danger of doing something damaging to its chances in those parts of the country. Times like now.
During last month’s all-day Commons debate on tax credits, there was a momentary discussion across the green benches between two Tory MPs. They discussed which of them was least liked by the chancellor, George Osborne. “I do want to work with the Treasury,” insisted Stephen McPartland, the MP for Stevenage, who has been leading opposition to the wave of cuts. “I can be a prodigal son and be returned to the fold, I am sure.”
“Can I join you?”, piped up Heidi Allen, the MP for South Cambridgeshire, who had used her first speech in the Commons days earlier to implore Osborne to put his “all in it together” mantra into action. “I think you are a little more disliked than I am,” chuckled McPartland.
The two dissenters were joined by a further 18 Tory MPs in not supporting the government line that day.
Five of them had entered parliament in May for the first time, according to the ConservativeHome website. All of them, apart from Allen, had stolen their seats from another party. Fifteen of the 20 rebels were elected in either 2015 or 2010.
In marginal seats they may not have been expecting to win, they are hyper-aware of how support is hard-won and easily lost. In light of that they are following a fine tradition of seeking to keep their party tied to the centre-ground and free from ideological follies.
Midway through last October’s all-day debate on tax credits, McPartland asked his colleague Neil Parish, the MP for Tiverton and Honiton, a question. “Does my honourable friend agree that the Conservative party is at its greatest when supporting people getting on in life and providing a safety net for those who need it?”
Parish responded: “I could not agree more with my honourable friend, and I am in politics today to try and make that happen. It is why many of us on the Conservative benches are prepared to stand up and be counted. It is right that we do so, and our constituents expect it.
“The chancellor will say, ‘We must eradicate the deficit’, and yes, we must, but if we are six months or –dare I say it? – a year late in doing that, people will understand.”
Welcome to the world of the 21st- century “wet”.
