When the entire anti-BJP Opposition at the national level came together in a mega rally in Kolkata in the January of 2019, it appeared that the united 20-party Opposition would be able to prop up a serious challenge to the BJP in West Bengal. But in the following month, PM Narendra Modi stepped up his party’s campaign in the State. The Trinamool Congress incurred its worst ever defeat — winning 12 seats less than in 2014. It was a setback since Mamata Banerjee and the TMC came to power in 2011.
The TMC appeared all over the place as its chief appeared confused. She was literally threatening pranksters shouting ‘Jai Shri Ram’ slogans at her.
Damp squib
Cornered by the Central Bureau of Investigation and the Enforcement Directorate, which was even chasing her trusted bureaucrat Rajeev Kumar, the former Police Commissioner of Kolkata, Ms. Banerjee went on a sit-in, which was a damp squib. She realised that the CBI-ED net is closing in on her and the heir apparent Abhisekh Banerjee, MP and her nephew. The TMC chief did admit that she focused on governance and lost the script. “Now I will focus on organisation more [than government],” a belligerent Ms. Banerjee said.
Moreover, almost every other day, a district level leader was leaving the TMC to join the BJP, taking along with them majority of civic body members, and the BJP leaders predicted a mid-term election by the end of the year.
This is when Abhisekh, who is still considered a greenhorn in Bengal politics, made a move which perhaps rescued Ms. Banerjee, at least in 2019. He spoke to political strategist Prashant Kishor and — if the TMC leaders are to be believed — managed to convince his aunt that the party needs a person who understands the connection between technology, strategy and politics.
Didi decided to bring in Mr. Kishor, who gave a face-lift to Ms. Banerjee’s public persona, a difficult feat.
In the first place — and for the first time in her career — Ms. Banerjee started talking less. She, in fact, started looking at notes in front of her while addressing press conferences. Secondly, she not only stopped reacting to slogans, but also stopped reacting altogether to minor allegations, which reduced sound and fury around her. Unlike earlier years, she now rarely retaliates to the Governor’s criticisms.
Thirdly, she stopped targeting the Prime Minister or individuals, and rather targeted the BJP as a party. Fourthly, Ms. Banerjee calibrated her anti-BJP campaigns according to the requirement of the hour. For example, she did not step up campaigns against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act or the National Register of Citizens, till she realised it was swelling. In earlier case, like the one on the Rafale deal or demonetisation, Ms. Banerjee was way more vocal than others from the beginning. The TMC also managed to plug the defections to BJP.
Importantly, Ms. Banerjee met Prime Minister and Home Minister which confused the ruling party and the Opposition in the State. However, she is yet to convince her leaders and cadres to reduce infighting and to stop misbehaving with people.
On the other hand, the BJP did not fare too badly. It managed to resist the TMC in villages where the elections are fought and won. Many of its grassroot level workers were targeted and even killed, but the party and the affiliated organisations did not give up the challenge. Though party cadre and the leaders acknowledge, albeit off the record, that thrust on implementation of NRC has damaged the BJP in Bengal.
The man who always advocated for NRC, party’s State president Dilip Ghosh, sounded little bemused at the end of 2019. However, 2019 has been a good year for Mr. Ghosh when he was elected an MP and emerged as the face of the party in the State.
However, one factor has severely hurt the BJP in Bengal – complete indecision on whether to get more and more TMC cadres or to put an end to it.
In this backdrop, the TMC and the BJP are stepping into the new year, raring to launch at each other. Civic polls, a year before the Assembly elections, will indicate the direction of the wind.
