
The defence minister’s chief of staff has disclosed and managed a long-term de facto relationship with a lobbyist who works for a small firm representing several defence clients, including a subsidiary of an Israeli government-owned weapons manufacturer.
Confirmation of the relationship comes as the Centre for Public Integrity calls on the federal government to publish monthly disclosures of all interactions between lobbyists and senior staff advising ministers, to improve trust in democracy and increase transparency.
The relationship is the latest example of how ministers and senior staff manage probity when dealing with the politically well-connected lobbying industry, which is based on building influence with decision-makers.
Sacha Fenton is one of four registered lobbyists for the Canberra-based firm Precision Public Affairs, which represents defence clients that have secured lucrative contracts with the federal government.
Fenton’s de facto partner is Lucien Wells, who replaced Jo Tarnawsky as Richard Marles’ chief of staff after an internal workplace dispute, which was resolved with a confidential settlement in March.
There is no suggestion Fenton or Wells breached any rules or ethical obligations or improperly shared any government information that could have assisted Precision’s clients.
The Centre for Public Integrity’s position paper on lobbying, published on Wednesday, calls for all interactions between senior parliamentary advisers and lobbyists to be publicly disclosed by the Attorney-General’s Department.
The centre’s chair, Anthony Whealy, did not comment on the de facto relationship, which both the government and lobbying firm stress has been carefully managed, but said regular public disclosures would improve trust in the system and increase accountability.
“Not only does the community demand proper reform of the lobbying structures and rules, we need open public records of who meets whom and the nature of their discussions,” Whealy said. “Closed doors need to be opened.”
While senior ministerial staff do not make procurement decisions for the department, they may have access to information that could assist lobbyists in advocating for their clients.
When contacted about the long-term relationship, a federal government spokesperson did not comment on it specifically, but said “it is a condition of employment that all staff abide by the ministerial staff code of conduct and private interest declarations”.
The code of conduct governing ministerial staffers requires they “disclose and take reasonable steps to avoid any conflicts of interest, real or apparent, in connection with their employment”. It also requires them to “not make improper use of their position or access to information to gain a benefit or advantage for themself or anyone else”.
Guardian Australia was told “probity mechanisms” are put in place to manage and mitigate any private interests that may give rise to a perception of conflict or compromise. These can include staff removing themselves from email chains, meetings or relevant decisions.
Precision’s founder and managing director, Sarah Cullens, said the firm was “committed to upholding the highest standards of integrity and operates in full compliance with all relevant requirements, including applicable federal and state lobbying codes of conduct”.
Precision declined to state whether Fenton had been precluded from lobbying for defence industry clients, given the de facto relationship. The firm has several other health and not-for-profit clients.
The Centre for Public Integrity’s disclosure recommendation, if adopted, would have revealed this information.
It is not uncommon for political operatives in Canberra to have relationships with lobbyists, and former advisers often work in lobbying. Shortly after Annika Wells become minister for sport, her husband, Finn McCarthy, was formally precluded from lobbying for SEC Newgate clients in the sport portfolio. McCarthy no longer works at SEC Newgate.
One of Precision’s clients is Rafael Australia Pty Ltd, an Australian subsidiary that is wholly owned by Rafael Advanced Defence Systems.
Precision is listed on the Australian government foreign influence transparency scheme as it provides “general political lobbying” on behalf of a “foreign government-related entity”.
The Greens and prominent crossbenchers have pushed Labor to toughen regulation of political lobbying, promising to use their balance of power to increase transparency and probity.
Leading lobbyists have also urged the federal government to strengthen investigative powers and penalties to crack down on rogue operators, including through new laws that would add corporate interests to a transparency register.
Wells and Fenton were approached for comment.