Carole Cadwalladr is absolutely right when she points out what is basically wrong with our political establishment. It is so disappointing that working people, apart from a very few notable and worthy examples, are no longer represented by MPs from their ranks (“How passion has been purged from politics – along with ordinary people”, New Review).
Ministers and shadow ministers no longer feel they need to have any background knowledge in the departments to which they are appointed. I was a teacher and a few years ago I remember having a conversation with a student who asked who was in control of education in the country. At that time, it was Michael Gove. Her response was: “Well, he must have been a brilliant teacher to get to that level!”
Today, it seems the greater the power ministers have, the greater the ignorance they have about the department they are leading. In the DfE, not one minister has a background in education or went to a state school. Cadwalladr is also spot on about the rank-and-file person who wishes to represent constituents and is ignored in favour of media-friendly candidates who have more time, money and celebrity status to pursue their candidacy. The media are partially to blame for that.
Dave Walsham
Chard
Somerset
Party politics is ruining us and the elites need curbing. But it doesn’t have to be this way. A radical but simple reform, allowing the quinquennial election of a government from among political parties, the nomination of local councillors and MPs from electoral rolls and removing the power of appointment to the House of Lords from political patronage, would break the nexus of power centred on Westminster.
If a clearly unsatisfactory democracy is to be revived, effective authority must go to citizens who are outside party control. All of us have a duty to serve as jurors, drawn randomly from the electoral role of our constituency. If that duty extended to fixed-term participation in local and national government, the rot that now infects the Commons could fade.
Politically inspired legislation coming from an elected government would be debated and decided on by those whose country this is – mechanics, fishermen, lawyers, postal workers, doctors, academics, actors, musicians, farm workers, the whole grand gamut –not directed by professional politicians with PPEs and the like. No more whips. And when their term finishes, they return to their careers.
Opening up an historically sanctioned closed shop will be hard. An unpredictable, randomly politicised chamber of diverse experience would require careful management. Many will not want to take part. Long debate is needed. But consider other benefits. Regional parliamentary centres, online debating chambers, the government in London (or Birmingham or Manchester or Bristol or wherever) and the House of Commons dispersed.
Nigel Trow
Portskewett
Monmouthshire
Carole Cadwalladr’s article on the relationship between “real working-class people” and the Labour party suffered from a serious lack of objectivity as well as the danger of taking “vox pop” as gospel. The Orpington Labour party was attacked for allegedly manipulating the procedures for the selection of its parliamentary candidate to favour the successful applicant. The integrity of the selection committee was called into question without the chance of reply. I can confirm that all the normal procedures and practices were followed, with an external observer overseeing the operation. Had the Orpington Labour party been contacted we could also have corrected several basic errors of fact.
The definition of “real working class’”(itself never easy) was left blowing about in the wind, dependent entirely upon unchecked self-assertion.
Sue Polydorou
Chair, Orpington Labour party
