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Newcastle Herald

National

John Tierney

Myanmar: dictatorship to democracy, and back again

MOMENTUM: The military coup in Myanmar has united disparate groups, but a co-ordinated Western response has been lacking.

It was one of the most memorable days of my life. On the edge of the mighty Irrawaddy River in Myanmar at dawn, my wife, Pam, and I boarded one of nine hot air balloons ready to fly aloft over the spectacular Bagan Plain in the middle of the country. The flight took one hour, and it was standing room only in the balloon basket. But I had a problem. Having contracted polio at birth, I could just stand for brief periods.

"I'm not going to miss this," I said to Pam. I found a corner in the basket to brace against. I kept changing my position every few minutes throughout the flight to reduce the stress on my damaged spine. I can still recall every moment of that wonderful hour as the pilot flew the balloon high before sweeping in low when approaching one of the remarkable Buddhist temples that dotted the countryside.

The ancient kingdom of Myanmar became part of the British Empire following three wars between the two countries. In 1886, it became part of British India. This occurred for security reasons and the lure of the countries' rich resources, including oil, jade, teak and rice. In 1948 the colony of Burma gained independence and elected a democratic government, but for most of its modern history, Myanmar has been ruled by military dictatorships. In 1962, General U Ne Win staged a coup and led an isolationist socialist government, making this resource-rich country now one of the world's poorest.

Travelling through Myanmar, the evidence of failed governance was everywhere to be seen, from the grinding poverty of some citizens to the almost non-existent public infrastructure. The exceptions are the river crossings we passed under on the Irrawaddy River.

"Great bridges," I commented to the tour director. "Yes", she replied, "They are built to a high standard, so the military can traverse the country swiftly to put down uprisings."

Finally, in 1988, the people revolted, with the military brutally repressing months of rioting. An election was held in 1990, which was won by the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by 'The Lady', Ang San Suu Kyi, daughter of a Burmese independence hero. However, the military refused to hand over power and put her under house arrest for 18 years. When the NLD won the 2015 election, a quarter of the parliament seats were reserved for the military, who took control of the crucial government portfolios.

This created a weird hybrid government in which, over time, Ang San Suu Kyi increased her power. Last November, her NLD party won the Myanmar general election in a landslide, but the military seized power last month. Again, The Lady was put under house arrest.

Perhaps this brief history may go some way towards explaining the people's determination to prevail in 2021, with hundreds of thousands of citizens taking to the streets in protest across Myanmar. The coup has united disparate groups. There have been reports of police breaking ranks to join protesters. Tens of thousands of public and private sector workers have gone on strike and joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM).

Eighteen of the biggest trade unions have urged all workers to down tools to maintain the CDM momentum to force the generals to the negotiating table. This mass movement has already crippled the banking sector, hospitals and parts of the train network.

The powerful Buddhist Monks Association, which led the "saffron revolution" against military rule in 2007, recently called on the military to, "end the violent, arrest torture and killing of unarmed civilians ... and prevent the looting and destruction of property".

There has been international condemnation of the military coup, but a coordinated response from major Western nations is lacking. Some democratic governments are unwilling to impose harsh sanctions for fear of pushing Myanmar further into Beijing's grasp. But there has been some international action. The US, Canada, Britain and the EU have imposed sanctions.

The response from international bodies has been inadequate. The Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) requires decisions by its 10 members to be unanimous. Because of Myanmar's veto power, ASEAN has failed to produce a coherent response to the crisis in their backyard. At the UN Security Council (SC), the agreement needed for action has been blocked by Russia and China's veto power. The SC passed a watered-down motion but stopped short of issuing an international rebuke or calling it a coup. To date, the UN has not flagged further action.

History shows that since independence, Myanmar has moved back and forth between military dictatorship and democracy. So it will probably become democratic again in the future. However, there is no sign of any trigger that would create such a shift at this time, except increasing national chaos.