Over the past four years, there has been an unprecedented surge in right-wing populist victories across the globe. From the US and El Salvador to Italy, Hungary, and even India, populist leaders have either returned to power or have emerged with strong mandates.
While a few may see this as purely isolated electoral victories caused by political disruptions, some patterns are strikingly similar: appeals to nationalism, majoritarian identity, direct communication with the general people, and systematic weakening of traditional democratic institutions.
Between 2021 and 2025, many countries elected leaders who fall under the broad umbrella of right-wing populism. These include Nayib Bukele in El Salvador with 85 percent of the vote, Ferdinand Marcos Jr in the Philippines with 58.7 percent votes, Javier Milei in Argentina with 55.65 percent, and Donald Trump in the US with 49.8 percent. Even Narendra Modi returned for a third term in India in 2024, albeit with a reduced vote share of 36.56 percent. All of these numbers indicate a clear electoral trend: right-wing populists are winning, and perhaps, they are winning big.
There are signs that what is happening in India is linked to the rest of the world.
A loyal base, majority’s identity, anti-elites
It is important to acknowledge that this trend is not an isolated phenomenon. Political changes happening in India are actually aligned with changes happening elsewhere. On the outset, it starts with a public appeal. The appeal of leaders like Modi, Trump, and Orbán in Hungary lies in their ability to situate themselves as strong and decisive leaders associated with the majority’s cultural and national identity. While speaking directly to the masses, they have positioned themselves as outsiders fighting entrenched elites, even after years in power.
What connects these leaders is their use of identity and nationalism to build a loyal base. In India, this takes the form of Hindu nationalism, while in the US, it is clearly Christian conservatism. In Hungary, Viktor Orbán speaks of defending Christian Europe from immigration. In Turkey, President Erdoğan blends Islamic conservatism with Turkish pride. Most of them have used religion and cultural associations as tools for establishing their political legitimacy.
Under populist rule, political systems are witnessing a systematic weakening of democratic institutions. In Hungary and Turkey, courts, education systems, and the media are increasingly under government pressure. In India, similar allegations have been made about judicial independence, media freedom, and the use of investigative agencies against political opponents. While elections are held, the level-playing field appears to be increasingly uneven.
Another trait that works like a charm is direct communication. Leaders like Modi and Trump have used it for great effect and advantage. Trump’s Twitter posts (and now Truth Social) and Modi’s Mann ki Baat have become the medium that shapes public opinion without the interference of journalists or political debates. Due to its personal and unfiltered touch, this style has inadvertently become popular. Now, leaders are able to control the narrative and present themselves as accessible, relatable figures fighting for the common people.
Many populist leaders speak in the language of the poor, despite implementing policies that often favour big business. Modi’s government promotes schemes like Ujjwala Yojana and Ayushman Bharat, alongside “Make in India” and digital infrastructure projects. Argentina’s Milei, despite pushing radical free-market reforms, won by promising to disrupt a failing economy. Trump’s message in 2024 focused on bringing back jobs, lowering inflation, and making America great again. Whether or not these promises translate into results, they resonate strongly with voters struggling with economic instability.
Southeast Asia also offers two telling examples. In the Philippines, Ferdinand Marcos Jr successfully rebranded his family’s dictatorship-era legacy into a message of unity and progress. He avoided uncomfortable history and focused on building a future-oriented campaign, winning by a landslide. In Indonesia, Prabowo Subianto overcame his controversial past through a clever alliance with the outgoing president’s popular son, winning 58.6 percent of the vote. These strategies, repackaging old elites as reformers, borrowing legitimacy from established figures, are also mirrored in other countries, including India, where the Congress and regional parties had their own political adaptations.
In Europe, the trend is more rooted in cultural and migration related fears. Meloni in Italy, Wilders in the Netherlands, and Orbán in Hungary have all used anti-immigration and anti-European Union rhetoric to fuel support. While their socio-economic histories might differ, these countries appear to convey a common message: the nation must be protected from outsiders (or liberal internationalism). Similar rhetoric with strong emotional appeal and identity-driven narratives around border security and national sovereignty has made headway in India, albeit for a selective community.
Elections in Austria, Portugal, and Germany also show how deeply these ideas are taking root. Austria’s far-right Freedom Party topped the polls for the first time since World War II. Led by Herbert Kickl, the party ran on a “Fortress Austria” platform, calling for strict immigration controls, criticism of the European Union, and restrictions on asylum. These themes of protecting national identity, opposing international migration, and a tough stance on crime are familiar in right-wing populist campaigns from India to the United States. In Portugal, the Chega party won a record proportion of votes by promising strict action on crime and corruption. Chega’s platform of ending “open door” immigration, prosecuting corruption, and even proposing chemical castration for repeat offenders mirrors the tough-on-crime, anti-elite rhetoric also seen to be employed by populists such as Trump and Jair Bolsonaro.
In Germany, the far-right AfD made history in 2024 by leading in a state election for the first time since 1938 (Thuringia state). This highlights an increasing normalisation of extremist politics in Europe’s largest economy. Their message was also focused on immigration fears, EU scepticism, and strong law-and-order policies. It is essential to acknowledge that while far-right-wing parties did not gain governments in Portugal and Germany, both made historical gains.
In Latin America, an economic crisis pushed voters toward radical populists. Javier Milei in Argentina, known for his abrasive style and extreme proposals, came to power amid skyrocketing inflation and public anger at traditional parties. In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro, though no longer in office, built a powerful right-wing movement by combining evangelical support with tough talk on crime and corruption. Like Modi and Trump, Bolsonaro framed himself as the only one capable of saving the country from chaos.
Even in countries where populists have lost elections, like France, their vote share has been growing. Marine Le Pen received 41.5 percent in the 2022 presidential runoff, her highest ever. This goes on to show that even where liberal parties win, right-wing populist ideas are gaining ground and reshaping the very understanding of democratic governance.
For India, this global context offers both a warning and a mirror. Many tools and tactics used abroad, including strongman leadership, appeals to cultural pride, welfare schemes tied to identity, and direct voter communication, are already part of the domestic political playbook. Though narrower than expected, the BJP’s 2024 victory fits squarely within this international trend of dominant but polarising leadership.
According to the IPSOS Populism report 2025, 56 percent of people across 31 countries believe their society is “broken,” and nearly half support “leaders who are willing to break the rules.” Loss of faith in democratic systems helps populists thrive. They offer clarity in a time of confusion, order in chaos, and identity in a time of fragmentation.
As right-wing populism goes global, the period between 2021 and 2025 marks not a passing phase, but a political realignment. In this context, India is not just a participant; it is also a template others have used to learn from.
The author is a research associate at Lokniti-CSDS and works on elections and democracy.
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