It is hard to realize policies without longevity, but focusing on achieving longevity makes it hard to get a grip on them. Such was the dilemma with Prime Minister Abe's domestic policies.
His key policies included "regional revitalization," "dynamic engagement of all citizens" and "social security for all generations," none of which can be achieved overnight. Abe also expressed extraordinary enthusiasm for constitutional revision. This ambition to tackle difficult and time-consuming issues rather than immediate results was also evident under the first administration.
Ironically, both Abe's short-lived first government and subsequent long-serving administration faced difficulties promoting key policies and constitutional amendments. The former lacked tactics to sustain the government, while the latter shelved unpopular proposals before elections to keep the government alive. In both instances, there was an inherent factor of half-heartedness in attempts to realize policies.
If national elections are held about once every 18 months, it is difficult to escape from this dilemma. What is regrettable is that the LDP won back-to-back elections for the House of Representatives in 2012 and the upper house in 2013. Abe could have enjoyed "three golden years" without a national election, but he squandered the opportunity by dissolving the lower house in 2014. If he had been able to exploit a rare opportunity that has only occurred twice in Japan in the post-World War II era, he might have been able to achieve more.
As is typical of a strong government, many policies overcame resistance and criticism. The reform of the agricultural cooperatives and the legalization of casinos, which challenged bedrock regulations, are notable examples of this. However, there were concerns that some of the policies were driven by special interests.
A Liberal Democratic Party lawmaker was arrested over a scandal involving casino resorts. The Kake Gakuen school scandal involving a friend of the prime minister was linked to national strategic special zones, one of Abe's pet policy projects. A suspicion that special interests were behind the polices is partly because a government stance of "leaving no room for scandal" was lacking
The concentration of power in the hands of the Prime Minister's Office had its merits and demerits.
A top-down strategy led by the Prime Minister's Office may start out fast, but it quickly runs out of steam because there are not enough bureaucrats who can serve as the driving force behind initiatives.
The government set up a team for each policy issue at the Cabinet Secretariat or the Cabinet Office, both directly connected to the Prime Minister's Office, by gathering officials from across ministries and agencies. However, there was an undeniable sense that these teams were just a mishmash. There was also a small number of ministers in charge of doing an excessive amount of work. These factors prevented the government from drawing on the comprehensive capabilities of bureaucrats at central government ministries and agencies.
The government created the Cabinet Bureau of Personnel Affairs and the Prime Minister's Office managed personnel affairs for senior officials at central government ministries and agencies aiming to achieve political leadership. However, the effect was so strong that bureaucrats started to surmise the intentions of the Prime Minister's Office, which led to a series of scandals that undermined the fairness and transparency of public administration.
The inappropriate handling of official documents in the wake of the cherry blossom-viewing event hosted by the prime minister and the Moritomo Gakuen school scandal was a painful reminder of the growing distrust of the administration as a whole.
There was also room for significant improvements to the management of Diet affairs.
The prime minister declared that the previous government was a nightmare, while the former ruling party that stepped down from power only criticized the government. Given this, it was difficult to expect constructive discussions to take place between the two forces.
There have been historical achievements that have enlisted the cooperation of opposition parties, such as the special law that made it possible for the emperor to abdicate. The government has also listened to the opposition on measures against the novel coronavirus.
It is regrettable that Abe has resigned from office due to his illness, because there were signs of mature discussion.
If the new prime minister can carry on Abe's aspirations and lessons critically and progressively, \his legacy in domestic politics might shine through.
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