In 11 years as a member of the European parliament and 10 months as an MP, Nigel Farage has tasted power as a one-man band leader of Ukip, the Brexit Party and now Reform UK without having any responsibility. That has changed after Reform’s spectacular advance in last Thursday’s local elections in England: Mr Farage’s party now has 677 councillors and runs 10 authorities.
Their actions in office will provide a huge test for Reform as it tries to show it is a credible party for power nationally. It has built a grassroots organisation and “professionalised” the party in a way Mr Farage’s previous vehicles failed to do. His council candidates were carefully vetted (unlike his standard-bearers at last year’s general election), though it is likely that some with controversial views slipped through the net and may soon command unwanted headlines. The signs are that Reform HQ will try to keep a tight rein on its new representatives, but experience suggests that will be harder than it sounds.
While many people turned to Reform last Thursday because they are disenchanted with both Labour and the Conservatives, some will have voted on local issues and would have been attracted by Mr Farage’s pledges to root out waste to keep down council tax bills.
The Independent believes Reform will struggle to turn the simplistic slogans of an election campaign into hard policy. Mr Farage wants a “Doge” in every council – a reference to the Department of Government Efficiency set up by Elon Musk for Donald Trump.
Of course, ensuring value for money is vital at a time when the UK’s public finances are under intense pressure. But the idea that a hidden treasure trove is waiting to be discovered in town halls is fanciful: local authorities have borne the brunt of the austerity measures imposed by central government and been hollowed out. Their reserve kitties have largely been spent; several councils, including Tory-run ones, are in the red and others, like Birmingham and Nottingham city councils, have effectively declared themselves bankrupt. Many authorities can now provide little more than their statutory responsibilities, such as adult and children’s social care and special educational needs. Even after the Starmer government put in extra money, council funding per resident is still 19 per cent lower than in 2020, according to the Institute for Fiscal Studies.
Reform admits its approach will be based on ideology as well as saving money. It promises to end “woke nonsense” in town halls. Mr Farage has advised council officials working on diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) and net zero to look for “alternative careers”. Yet, as our political editor revealed, the extent of such appointments has been exaggerated.
Most of the authorities Reform won were previously under the control of the Tories, who are not known for their adherence to the DEI cause. Savings from ending such practices may prove paltry.
Zia Yusuf, Reform’s energetic chair, wants to “remoralise” young people by bringing in a “patriotic curriculum” in schools so pupils are no longer taught to “hate their country”. A better approach would be an honest and balanced appraisal of the history of the British empire – including episodes such as the slave trade.
The party’s new local champions, including Dame Andrea Jenkyns, the mayor of Greater Lincolnshire, have vowed to oppose housing asylum seekers in their areas who crossed the Channel in small boats. This will probably require legal action, since contracts signed by the Home Office are in place until 2029.
Mr Farage’s councillors may also resort to legal challenges to stop the building of wind and solar farms, which would be regrettable. It would be no surprise if the courts ruled that asylum and energy policy are matters for the national government. Reform, which also intends to bring in outside auditors to review council contracts with private companies, could end up spending millions of pounds of local taxpayers’ money on fruitless challenges – money that councils plainly do not have. The irony is that such actions would be an example of the very waste the party has vowed to wipe out, with little purpose other than to make Reform politicians feel good about themselves.
The likely trouble ahead for Reform councillors should give both Labour and the Tories pause for thought. If they are panicked into aping Reform, as some in both parties want to see, many voters will surely opt for the real thing. Far better to take on Mr Farage, expose the contradictions in his thin policy offer and deploy the ammunition provided by the long overdue scrutiny his party will receive now it has responsibility as well as power.