Jan. 06--And now, with a new governor ready to take his oath, all eyes in Illinois turn to Springfield. That in itself is remarkable. One party has run state government for so long that many voters could spend less time brightly wondering "What next?" than nervously mumbling "How much?"
For all of us, then, a new day.
Democratic House Speaker Michael Madigan and Democratic Senate President John Cullerton have a combined 80 years in the statehouse and enjoy impressive control of their chambers. But joining them Monday is a Republican governor, Bruce Rauner, whose tenure in public office spans ... not one day. He evidently thinks he hasn't missed a thing. And we'll be stunned if he makes a life of this work.
Rauner enjoys two liberties that his predecessor governors didn't: His sole debt is to the people of Illinois who elected him. And he has the financial means to talk with voters about what happens in Springfield -- and perhaps to change the cast of characters there. Last week's news that Rauner and two allies had infused his campaign chest with a fresh $20 million means he can organize new advocacy groups to build public support for his initiatives. Or buy TV ad time. Or finance legislative candidates to challenge incumbents who oppose dramatic reforms.
Some people are curious about how the new governor will mount a rescue effort for their state. Others wait to criticize whatever comes out of his mouth.
By himself, of course, Rauner can't do much. Democrats have veto-proof majorities in both legislative chambers. That said, he can shine bright lights on his friends and foes. Illinois will have a governor who is well-equipped to mobilize the voters who elected him precisely so he would change how Springfield operates.
Unless he veers off course, that means:
--Urging lawmakers to scale back the overreaching tax and regulatory policies that have made Illinois so uncompetitive for new jobs. That means awakening legislators to the stark reality that the economic recovery they've long awaited as the way to fund all their spending won't happen unless they help make it happen.
--Halting the self-destructive habit of lawmakers budgeting more in expenses than they realistically expect in revenues.
--Redirecting whatever resources he can toward education. That's the new governor's policy passion.
--Reducing the cumulative burdens -- on employers and other taxpayers -- that have been created by those 7,000 local Illinois governments, a dusty roster far longer than that of any other state.
--This one is our hope more than Rauner's stated promise: Zero-basing all that state government does voluntarily so that every department, every function, every expenditure, has to earn its way into the state budget. Returning Illinois to its core missions, and jettisoning the rest, would streamline an oafish government still structured for its century of origin: the 1800s.
How will Rauner perform? His first significant appointment -- of former business executive Leslie Munger as state comptroller -- is encouraging. We called Munger "poised and whip-smart" when we endorsed her for an Illinois House seat last year. If Rauner can recruit more people with her skill set to a government that has amassed $200 billion in debts, he stands a chance of improving Illinois' finances.
First and foremost, though, comes the mission of improving Illinois' economy. That's the sure path to higher tax revenues. With the inauguration of a Gov. Rauner, 10 of the 12 Midwestern states now will have Republican governors. Why have so many voters, in so many states, made that commitment?
We wrote after the November election that many of those voters are Democrats repudiating the blue-state script that has governed Illinois: Tax more, borrow more, promise more, and at labor contract time, spend more public dollars to reward the fealty of union bosses. The GOP's evolving Midwest Model, by contrast, stresses solutions and performance over social issues and class warfare. In general these governors have kept budgets in line, resisted tax hikes, stabilized pension systems and made their economies more conducive to the kind of jobs growth that would solve many of Illinois' brutal fiscal challenges.
We won't predict how leaders of Springfield will adjust to the new guy in town. For many of their caucus members, though, one imperative is central as the Rauner era begins: They'd much rather run for re-election on a record of helping salvage Illinois than on a record of resistance.
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