To describe the mellowing of his views once in office, former Israeli leader Ariel Sharon reputedly paraphrased a song lyric: “What you see from here, you don’t see from there.” Incoming Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who knows the office better than anyone, would be wise to remind his new coalition partners of those words.
The government Netanyahu is currently forming may well be the most radical in Israel’s history. To win election, his conservative Likud party allied with a far-right bloc known as Religious Zionism. One of its leaders, former Transportation Minister Bezalel Smotrich, has called for changes that would dramatically limit the powers of the judiciary. Another, Itamar Ben-Gvir, advocates dismantling the Palestinian Authority, expanding Jewish prayer rights at the Temple Mount — one of the holiest sites in both Judaism and Islam — in defiance of a 55-year-old agreement, and expelling Jewish and Arab citizens of Israel deemed to be “disloyal.” Both support annexing the West Bank outright without granting Palestinians full citizenship rights.
Having alienated other right-wing figures during his previous stints in power, Netanyahu is now dependent on Religious Zionism to hold power. Yet indulging the bloc’s most extreme demands would be deeply corrosive to Israel’s democracy and its international standing. Undercutting the independence of the judiciary, which could help Netanyahu evade corruption charges, would eliminate one of the few checks and balances in the Israeli political system. Expelling Israeli Arabs, expanding settlements, annexing territory and changing the status quo on the Temple Mount would almost surely spark renewed violence.
Such policies would also complicate relations with the US government, which has hinted at reluctance to deal with figures such as Ben-Gvir. Attitudes toward Israel in Congress and among the American Jewish community could grow even more partisan. Progress on deepening and expanding Israel’s relations with its Arab neighbors — especially Saudi Arabia — would likely slow, while relations with Europe would further sour.
Netanyahu has sought to ameliorate such fears. He has promised a government that will “look after all the citizens of Israel, without exception” and pledged to “lower the flames of public discourse, to heal the rifts” within the country. He assured US President Joe Biden he wanted to expand the so-called Abraham Accords, forging peace with more countries in the region.
If Netanyahu wants to make good on those pledges, he needs first to limit the sway of firebrands such as Smotrich and Ben-Gvir in his cabinet. He should resist their most dangerous ideas, condemn inflammatory or bigoted rhetoric, and remind them that Israel’s security — especially against the threat from Iran — depends on the whole-hearted support of its friends as much as its own efforts. He should also attempt to repair relations with more mainstream conservative parties, so that he might eventually broaden his coalition and dilute Religious Zionism’s influence.
Palestinians have little right to point fingers. Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas has not submitted to the judgment of voters since 2005. While young Palestinians have directed their anger at Israeli forces and settlers, they are also deeply frustrated with their sclerotic and ineffective leadership. For there to be any hope of change, Palestinians need to unite around new leaders who will clamp down on violence and corruption, and give ordinary Israelis reason to believe a peace settlement is still possible.
Negotiations are a distant hope. Still, the fact remains: There is no way to preserve Israel’s Jewish and democratic character without one day establishing a viable Palestinian state. However far off that prospect seems, neither side should be taking steps that drive it even farther away.
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The Editors are members of the Bloomberg Opinion editorial board.
