PHILADELPHIA _ From before the Democratic National Convention's first gavel till after the last, people with deep pockets were treating Democratic leaders and officeholders to parties and perks.
There were butlered hors d'oeuvres of tuna tartare, truffle mac and cheese, unlimited wine and liquor, golfing at Merion _ all in all, more than 100 parties, lunches, and outings surrounding the main event.
There was Sunday's welcome party at SugarHouse Casino hosted by U.S. Rep. Robert Brady, the city's Democratic chief, where House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi and many other elected officials mingled with donors over free food, booze, and a live band. Names of sponsors, ranging from labor (the Carpenters and Plumbers unions) to law (Stradley Ronon Stevens & Young), flashed on a screen behind the band.
Monday morning, tobacco giant Altria, Duke Energy, and others hosted a charity outing at Merion Golf Club. Members of Congress and other officeholders were invited. The media were not.
Sponsors often say such convention-related events are meant to boost the democratic process or help a city play host. Critics say there's more to it.
"They all have different types of interests pending before the federal government," said Craig Holman of the nonpartisan watchdog group Public Citizen. "These parties allow them to get close to Congress members and senior congressional staff."
Sponsorship of such events is a legal way companies, unions, or other interests can get involved in the convention hoopla. Another: To help pay for the convention by donating to the host committee. For the Democrats, that's Philadelphia 2016 _ the nonpartisan group charged with raising at least $60 million to throw the big bash. The Democratic Party, too, was raising funds to help put on the show.
This year is the first time parties and host cities are covering the cost with no help from Washington. The federal government no longer provides millions of dollars to both parties for nominating conventions, aside from $50 million for security.
Of course, the full list of who's paying for this convention isn't known: A judge upheld the host committee's decision to keep its finances private until 60 days from now, the deadline under federal campaign law.
Some donors' names have come to light _ companies such as American Airlines, Comcast, Aramark, and General Motors; unions such as the American Federation of Teachers; law firms including Philadelphia-based Cozen O'Connor. None would say how much they are giving. All are getting some level of VIP treatment.
Examples of the effort to recruit convention donors and ply them with perks turned up in the leak of thousands of Democratic Party emails posted last Friday by WikiLeaks.
A retired Washington antiques dealer gave $38,400 to the party's convention fund, and was invited to a roundtable discussion with President Barack Obama.
She also "DESPERATELY wants a photo with the nominee, herself, her daughter, and her granddaughter" and "is willing to pay more to make that happen," a party aide emailed colleagues May 16.
Lee Whack, spokesman for the party's convention organizers, said he didn't "want to get into that right now" when asked what sponsors get in return for helping finance the event. He declined to answer further questions Thursday.
"We're not billing it as access-driven," host committee spokeswoman Anna Adams-Sarthou said of the VIP packages the committee offered to the most generous donors. "It's more of an enhanced experience for our local leaders, supporters and stakeholders."
Sponsors also get visibility at the convention: At the Wells Fargo Center, AT&T had cellphone charging stations throughout; Microsoft and Comcast had big displays.
"It's all part of the schmoozing game," Public Citizen's Holman said. "They want their corporate logo present. These gifts are well-recognized by party leaders as to which companies are footing the bill."
Corporations do their own hosting, too. Uber held a party Monday night on the roof of the DoubleTree Hotel.
Comcast also held a party that night. Tuesday afternoon, Air bnb, along with Lyft, the global law firm DLA Piper, and a lobbying firm _ David Scott Partners, where state Democratic Party finance chair Scott Freda works _ hosted a Congressional Black Caucus cocktail reception at Del Frisco's Steakhouse in Center City.
In the crowded restaurant, lobbyists and officeholders mingled over truffle mac and cheese, strips of steak, and white wine.
The Biotechnology Innovation Organization, which boasts of being the world's largest biotech trade group, hosted a "Democratic All-Star Challenge" charity batting practice at Citizens Bank Park _ featuring Democrats on the Senate Commerce, Science and Transportation Committee, and the House Energy and Commerce Committee. Other sponsors included trade groups for the gas, electric and nuclear industries, plus Microsoft and AT&T. That event, too, was closed to press and public.
"It is exactly an influence-peddling event," Holman said.
Chris MacKenzie, spokesman for the Public Interest Research Group, which has studied convention funding, agreed.
"You have a lot of decision-makers and lawmakers, not something the regular American has access to," MacKenzie said. "The primary goal of donors is spending time with these people building relationships."
Delegations' tabs were picked up, too. Pennsylvania delegates had a breakfast paid by Pennsylvania Power & Light, and a lunch sponsored by Chevron.
Lou Agre, a Philadelphia ward leader and delegate who backed Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, said he favors making donor names public but doesn't think meals sway minds.
"Corporations buy us breakfast," Agre said. "That's not enough to buy the people."
