Gabrielle Rifkind’s point that a willingness to compromise by all sides is the only way out of an unfolding international crisis certainly holds true (I’m a conflict mediator. This is our way out of the Ukraine crisis, 9 February). The USSR did pull its missiles out of Cuba as Rifkind states, but the US reciprocated by withdrawing comparable missiles from Turkey and promised not to invade the island.
In 2013 in Ukraine, in the midst of a worsening political crisis, France, Germany, Russia and Poland and the then Ukrainian government led by Viktor Yanukovych and most of the Ukrainian opposition thrashed out a peace plan to take the country forward. The more nationalist elements of Ukrainian society, backed by hawks in the US and elsewhere, rejected the plan and there followed a constitutional crisis, a Russian invasion and dismemberment of Ukraine. No nuclear annihilation for the world, but a real catastrophe for the people of Ukraine.
In the aftermath of all of this, in 2014 and 2015, a second peace plan was put on the table, the Minsk framework, revisited in the last few days and weeks following talk of a Russian invasion. Could its provisions for devolved self-government for the east of Ukraine, alongside the sanctity of Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity, be the prelude to a peaceful transition that would benefit both sides of Ukraine’s body politic? Or will efforts at achieving peace be scuppered by those both inside and outside the country who would rather see the conflict remain frozen until one side takes all?
Theo Kyriacou
Harlow, Essex
• In matters to do with war and what people think about it, we need to take account of what they are being told. With the exception of those who support the extremist right, and theocratic ideologies that champion violence and war as part of their creed, the vast majority of people abhor these primitive human traits. But if war is presented as a noble defence against the violence and aggression of an adversary, then people’s abhorrence can be overcome.
With regard to the results of this survey of European citizens about Ukraine (Most Europeans want to stand with Kyiv against Moscow poll suggests, 9 February), Hermann Goering’s ominous words, spoken to the US psychologist Gustave Gilbert in his cell at Nuremberg, are worth noting: “Naturally, the common people don’t want war, but after all it is the leaders of the country who determine the policy and it is always a simple matter to drag the people along … voice or no voice, the people can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. This is easy. All you have to do is to tell them they are being attacked and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and for exposing the country to danger. It works the same in every country.”
Russell Caplan
Wood Green, London
• It may help the tension over Russia’s intentions in Ukraine if there were some acknowledgment among Nato members that there is some basis for Russian suspicion. Memories of the second world war are still very much alive in the country, and their losses in that conflict dwarfed those of other nations. In addition, large tracts of their country were ravaged. It is hardly surprising that there is an unease about having a hostile alliance formed along their border with the rest of Europe.
Jill Read
Greenfield, Greater Manchester
• Regarding Emmanuel Macron and the “personal assurances” over the Russia-Ukraine crisis he has received from Vladimir Putin (Report, 8 February), didn’t Neville Chamberlain obtain assurances – written, in his case – from Adolf Hitler about Germany invading Czechoslovakia back in 1938? At least Macron hasn’t been waving a piece of paper about by way of evidence.
Gary Bennett
Exeter
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