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Madonna King

A question of integrity: dark arts of lobbying robs Qld government of trust

How do we define a lobbyist? Dictionaries have it as someone who tries to influence politicians in an organised way. But how it is policed in practice is a murky, dark art that leaves voters, almost always, clueless.

The Morrison government’s election campaign was coloured by accusations of pork-barrelling and the desperate need for a federal integrity body, which we will now get. And in Queensland, at least two inquiries — run by Tony Fitzgerald QC and Professor Peter Coaldrake — are raking over accusations that go to the heart of integrity and accountability in government.

We should be able to trust our governments to act fairly, transparently and in our interests. But history has proved that belief wrong — and that’s why the role of a lobbyist is so central to discussions around integrity and accountability.

A short recap for those outside the Sunshine State: outgoing state integrity commissioner Dr Nikola Stepanov and former state archivist Mike Summerell have both made serious allegations that go to the heart of good government — from a computer being taken and wiped, to reports being falsified and sanitised to make the government look good.

Perhaps in an attempt to mute the daily list of alleged integrity breaches, the government initiated the Fitzgerald and Coaldrake inquiries. The terms of reference for both are narrow, but many hope the path they recommend provides more rigour for the independent bodies that build trust in elected government.

That’s where the role of lobbyist comes in. In an interim report, Coaldrake signalled that the state’s lobbyist register simply does not work.

“Unfortunately there is declining confidence that governments across the board are making the best decisions rather than decisions influenced by those with the most effective voice,” he wrote. “In Queensland recently, this has been accentuated by the dual roles of some lobbyists — acting for clients to influence government, then acting for political parties to help them win elections.”

That no doubt refers to a decision by Queensland Labor to hire two party powerbrokers who have become lobbyists — Evan Moorhead and Cameron Milner — to help run the Palaszczuk government’s last reelection campaign.

“This can leave the public sceptical about even the strongest protections against conflict,” Coaldrake said. “The same applies to the practice of professional firms lobbying governments on behalf of clients while acting through a different arm as consultants on policy.”

And then there are “in-house lobbyists”. Why should they be excluded from a lobbyist register? They shouldn’t be.

But what about other shortcuts that have been employed to ensure lobbying for government favour can go on around the rules? Companies dealing with senior ministerial officers, not a minister. Lobbyists having an “unofficial” meeting with a minister outside the office. Consultants meeting with a minister for “clarification” over an issue.

Or “consultants” working for big companies doing business with government — like Star Entertainment. (This week revelations have surfaced that Moorhead is also employed by Star as a consultant on how to do business with the Palaszczuk government — until today, that connection being made public resisted an external investigation into the gambling giant despite serious problems being found elsewhere.)

What about senior government employees quitting and opening consultancies in their expert area a week later? In private industry it’s called taking “gardening leave”, and it is there for good reason.

What about a private Friday night dinner attended by donors and ministers? Should that be included in a lobbyist register?

A lobbyist register is useless unless it acts as a catchment for influence being peddled by anyone outside government. But perhaps what’s more worrying here is that elected governments don’t see the need to be seen to be doing the right thing.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has a chance to change that with the powers he approves for his Commonwealth integrity body. He needs to ensure the obfuscation around pork-barrelling does not happen on his watch. And Annastacia Palaszczuk needs to look in the mirror and ask why the integrity of her government is regularly being questioned — and what might put a stop to that.

Culture starts at the top.

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